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Eugenics in California – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Jan 312016
 

Eugenics in California is a notable part of eugenics in America.

As an early leading force in the field of eugenics, California became the third state in the United States to enact a sterilization law. By 1921, California had accounted for 80% of the sterilizations nationwide. This continued until World War II, after which the number of sterilizations began to decrease, largely due to the fallout of Hitler’s eugenics movement.[1] There were about 20,000 forced sterilizations in California between 1909 and 1963.[2]

Records of eugenics practices in California are held at the following agencies and institutions. The records are still protected for confidentiality reasons.

In California, [eugenics] was always linked to the use of land: to agriculture and plant hybridization.[3] Many of the powerful social workers, doctors, psychiatrists, and biologists, sought to hurt many of Californias Mexican, Indian, and Asian populations through the exclusionary laws that those scientists propose. In addition to the conquest to hurt the undesirables in the state, the California Eugenics plan also was a way to save the state money so they could eliminate the money the state spends on welfare and other programs that help the less fortunate.[3] Eugenics takes take three forms in California:

Dolores Madrigal entered the University of Southern Californias medical center on October 12, 1973, in order to give birth to her second child. During her time in labor, she was given a consent form and coerced by doctors into having a tubal ligation, effectively sterilizing her. Madrigal insisted that No one at the medical center informed me that a tubal ligation operation was going to performed on me. No one at the medical center informed me of what a tubal ligation operation consists nor of its permanent effects (Enoch, 5). Rebecca M. Kluchin found while researching the case that Physicians preferred to perform cesarean sections and tubal ligations in tandem to minimize risks associated with infection and anesthesia, as well as to reduce medical costs. It appears that at this hospital physicians who performed emergency cesarean sections sometimes used the opportunity to persuade a woman to accept permanent contraception.[10]

In July 1976 Madrigal sued the University of Southern California medical center, accompanied by Guadalupe Acosta, Estela Benavides, Consuelo Hermosillo, Georgina Hernandez, Maria Hurtado, Maria Figueroa, Rebecca Figueroa, Jovita Rivera, and Helena Orozco. Each of the nine other women who joined the class action lawsuit complained of similar proceedings. Together, these 10 chicanas decided to sue the USC medical center, contending that they had never given their informed consent to have the tubal ligation procedure performed. Karen Benker testified that poor minority women in L.A. County were having too many babies; that it was a strain on society; and that it was good that they be sterilized”.[11]

Despite Benkers testimony and other corroborating evidence, Judge Jesse Curtis ruled in favor of the defendants, stating that there had been nothing more than a breakdown in communication between the patients and the doctors (Stern 1135). He went on to say that it was appropriate for an obstetrician to believe that a tubal ligation could help diminish overpopulation as long as they did not attempt to overpower the will of his patients.[11]

In 1909 a eugenics law was passed in California allowing for state institutions to sterilize those deemed unfit or feeble-minded.[12] As one of the leading states in forced sterilization victims, Californias sterilization procedures primarily took place in state mental hospitals. Dr. Leo Stanley was one of the first people to bring the eugenics movement to Californias prisons.

Stanley was San Quentin penitentiarys chief surgeon and was particularly interested in eliminating those deemed unfit for society. His avid eugenic-based surgeries were the first of its kind to been seen in a prison. Taking place between 1930 and 1959, the peak of the eugenics movement, Stanley’s surgeries were driven by the idea of purifying criminals. Through testicular surgeries, he believed he could cultivate socially fit individuals by replacing a prisoners testicles with those of a deceased male previously deemed socially fit. His practices spawned early ideologies of white manhood,” which stemmed from his belief that he could “help a new, ideal man emerge”.[13]

Use of human and even animal testicles made Stanleys procedures highly unsuccessful and all around bizarre. His desire to restore social morality, along with his fascination with the endocrine system, fueled his research. Throughout the time of his procedures, criminals were believed to have something anatomically off that drove them to commit crimes. This belief inspired Stanley to explore the endocrine systems role in the criminology of a person. By persuading inmates that his testicular surgeries would produce favorable results in their sex lives he sterilized more than 600 prisoners by the end of his career.[13] Stanleys prison work concluded upon the start of World War II where he served overseas, only to retire as a eugenic pioneer.

The Human Betterment Foundation (HBF) was established in Pasadena, California in 1928. Led by E.S. Gosney it researched with an aim to foster and aid constructive and educational forces for the protection and betterment of the human family in body, mind, character, and citizenship. In 1929 E.S. Gosney set up the Human Betterment Foundation and gathered twenty-five of the leading scientists, philanthropists, and community leaders to carry out research on the effects of sterilization for thirteen years (Valone). Gosney also used the HBF to distribute the product of his research, Sterilization for Human Betterment which attracted attention from the nearby university, the California Institute of Technology (Caltech). Robert A. Millikan, a leading faculty member and proponent of Caltech, was looking for potential donors to the university and shared many of Gosneys views in his work decided to join the HBF board.

Lois Gosney Castle and the board of trustees eventually liquidated the foundation and turned the proceeds over to Caltech. Thirteen years after publishing the 1929 report entitled “Sterilization for Human Betterment, the HBF continued to carry out research on the effects of sterilization and undertook widespread distribution of the report to individuals, public libraries, and schools. After the liquidation files were found in 1968, but since they contained personal medical information, they were legally closed to researchers.[14]

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Swimming Beaches in Illinois | USA Today

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Jan 242016
 

See city views while swimming at a Chicago beach. (Photo: Thinkstock Images/Comstock/Getty Images )

Whether your travels take you to the city of Chicago or beyond, spend a warm summer day swimming at one of several destinations across Illinois. From the city beaches on the shores of Lake Michigan located within walking distance of many urban amenities to the 600-foot beach on Lake Le-Aqua-Na in rural northwest Illinois, swimming enthusiasts have many choices of places to make a splash.

In the city of Chicago (chicagoparkdistrict.com), swim for free at one of several beaches located along 26 miles of lakefront shoreline. With lifeguards on duty during the summer season, swimming is permitted in 15 designated areas. Parking is limited or requires a fee at most beaches, so city officials advise using public transportation whenever possible. North of the city, visit Leone Beach near Evanston or Montrose Beach near Chicago Lakeshore Hospital. Swim near the heart of downtown Chicago at North Beach at Lincoln Park or 12th Street Beach near Soldier Field. Other city swimming beaches include Fargo; Foster; Calumet; Howard Street; Jarvis Avenue; Oak Street; Rainbow; and South Shore Beach. Dogs are permitted at four beaches within the Chicago Park District.

With 39,600 feet of beach access, Illinois Beach State Park (dnr.state.il.us) has the longest public swimming area of any state park. The 4,160-acre park located on the shores of Lake Michigan has picnic areas for spreading out a meal after a day in the water and nearby hiking trails extending up to five miles. Lifeguards are not present at the park’s beaches, but parking is plentiful for visitors planning to spend the day swimming. Overnight camping at 241 sites is open to visitors of Illinois Beach State Park, and a resort also offers overnight accommodations for swimmers planning a multiday stay.

Travel to Lake Le-Aqua-Na State Park (dnr.state.il.us) to swim on a 600-foot beach on the shores of the 40-acre lake in northwest Illinois. Olson Lake Beach is open to visitors to 3,092-acre Rock Cut State Park, with the 50-acre Olson Lake ideally suited for swimming. In central Illinois, head to 9,300-acre Clinton Lake State Recreation Area to spend the day swimming on a 1,000-foot white sandy beach bordering the lake. A designated swimming area is also open to visitors at 1,687-acre Moraine View State Recreation Area at the Black Locust picnic area on Dawson Lake. In southern Illinois, visit 1,302-acre Sam Dale Lake State Fish and Wildlife Area to swim on a large beach on the west side of the lake.

Swim at one of four public beaches on 11,100-acre Lake Shelbyville (lakeshelbyville.com) in central Illinois for a nominal daily fee. The Dam West Recreation Area, Sullivan Beach and Wilborn Creek Recreation Area all provide public swimming access to the lake, which is managed by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (mvs.usace.army.mil/shelbyville). Wolf Creek State Park (dnr.state.il.us) also provides swimming access on the northeastern shores of the lake and has picnic tables and barbecues located nearby. An outdoor aquatic center is also open during the summer months in Forest Park near the lake’s southwestern shores.

Michelle Hornaday lives in Edmonds, Washington and holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in English from Washington State University and a Master of Education from Northern Arizona University. She is currently a freelance writer for various websites.

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Ohio Beaches, Lake Erie Coast, Summer Fun & Festivals

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Jan 232016
 

MAIN Beaches US Ohio Beaches

At left, Headlands Beach State Park and its mile-long natural sand beach, the largest in Ohio and often touted as the best beach in the state.

Meanwhile, more miles of sun-drenched beaches await throughout Ohio in such summer hotspots as Huntington Beach, located just 10 miles west of Cleveland.

Head east from downtown and you’ll find yourself at another Cleveland summer getaway at Fairport Harbor Lakefront Park Beach offering sand and sun together with a dog-friendly beach area.

Other popular beaches along Lake Erie’s southern shore include Maumee Bay State Park near Toledo with two places to laze the day away – the Lake Erie shore, and a calmer inland lake nearby to bring the kids.

Ohio’s most family-friendly beach? Check out East Harbor State Park near Sandusky where the water is low and slow, and perfect for toddlers.

Up ahead, check out a complete fun-in-the-sun guide to the Buckeye State featuring sites with comprehensive info on lake beaches throughout Ohio for swimming, fishing, sailing, sunbathing …… and surfing? In Cleveland? You bet!

DID YOU KNOW? Ohio beach fun facts:

Yes, you can surf Lake Erie. It all depends on the wind and weather. The surf is usually highest in the fall, when hardcore surfers take to the waves in places like Cleveland’s Edgewater Park Beach.

Accessible only by ferry, the 100-foot sandy beach on Kelleys Island is often considered the state’s most lovely and secluded.

The Marblehead Lighthouse, first lit in 1822, is the longest continuously operating and the most visited lighthouse on the Great Lakes.

also see -> Ohio tourist attractions | Ohio campgrounds

More about Ohio beaches around the Web:

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Ohio Beaches, Lake Erie Coast, Summer Fun & Festivals

Crestview, FL – Crestview, Florida Map & Directions – MapQuest

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Jan 222016
 

Crestview is a city in Okaloosa County, Florida, United States. Crestviews name was chosen because of its location on the peak of a long woodland range between the Yellow and Shoal rivers which flow almost parallel on the east and west side of the City. It is the county seat of Okaloosa County. With an elevation of 235 feet (72m) above sea level, it is one of the highest points in the state; it receives 65 inches (1,700mm) of rainfall annually, the second-most of any city in the state of Florida, next to Fort Walton Beach with 69inches. The town was once known as “the icebox of Florida”, due to it having the coldest winters in the state. Today it goes by a more popular nickname as the “Hub City” of Northwest Florida. According to the U.S Census estimates of 2010, the city had a population of 18,987. Crestview is one of Florida’s fastest growing cities, residential developments, shopping, and land area to grow. It has, as of July 2007, become the largest city in Okaloosa County. In 2007, George Whitehurst, who had been mayor for nearly 20 years, resigned, leading to the election of David Cadle. Cadle had recently retired as the long-time director of the Crestview High School band, The Big Red Machine. As part of the 2005 Base Realignment and Closure round, Crestview will experience further population growth as the U.S. Army’s 7th Special Forces Group relocates from Fort Bragg, North Carolina to a newly built cantonment facility on the northern end of the Eglin Air Force Base reservation, approximately six miles south of the city.

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Crestview, FL – Crestview, Florida Map & Directions – MapQuest

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Libertarianisme – Wikipedia, den frie encyklopdi

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Jan 192016
 

Libertarianisme er en betegnelse for et bredt spektrum af politiske filosofier, som prioriterer individuel frihed hjt og forsger at minimere eller endog fjerne statsmagten. Filosofien fremfres oftest som en teori om retfrdighed, om end der ikke er noget forenet princip eller st af principper, som alle libertarianere kan forenes omkring. Libertarianismen har imidlertid strke rdder i isr liberalistisk og anarkistisk filosofi. Sledes er mange libertarianere enten tilhngere af en minarkistisk statsform eller et markedsanarki.

Libertarianismen er traditionelt blevet forsvaret enten p grundlag af konsekventialistiske principper eller som en rent naturretlig doktrin. Stttere af den frstnvnte tilgang betegner ofte sig selv som klassisk liberale, medens tilhngere af sidstnvnte slet og ret holder sig til “libertarianere”.[Kilde mangler]

Termen “libertarianer” er meget udbredt i USA, hvor begrebet liberal er mere flertydigt end i visse andre dele af den vestlige verden. I Danmark er det sledes ikke unormalt for personer, som tilslutter sig denne gren af liberalismen, blot at kalde sig selv for liberale. En forgelse af tilgngeligheden af isr amerikansk litteratur om emnet synes dog at vidne om, at termen vinder strre indpas i dansk sprogbrug.[Kilde mangler]

Den frste registrerede brug af termen i en politisk sammenhng, var i 1857 i forbindelse med en oversttelse af det franske ord libertaire til libertarian p engelsk, af den franske anarko-kommunist Joseph Djacque[1]. Termen blev i 1890ernes Frankrig populr som et middel til at undg konsekvenserne af den anti-anarkistiske lovgivning (les lois sclrates).

P omtrent samme tid i USA, begyndte termen ligeledes at sl rod blandt anarkistiske kommunister, og politologen Peter Kropotkin skrev i sin artikel om anarkisme i Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911-udgave:

Det ville vre umuligt p denne plads til fulde at prsentere p den ene side de anarkistiske ideer i den moderne litteratur, og p den anden side den indflydelse, som de libertre ideer har haft, p nutidige forfatteres udvikling af anarkismen[2].

I dag beskriver anarkistiske kommunister, libertre socialister og venstre-libertarianere fortsat sig selv som libertarianere, der ganske vist er imod den private ejendomsret, men som samtidig vender sig imod statslig magtanvendelse for at afskaffe den.

Under Den Store Depression i frste halvdel af 1900-tallet havde en rkke konomer og filosoffer, heriblandt John Maynard Keynes og John Dewey, begyndt at overtage og omdefinere liberalismen. Igennem den skaldte socialliberalisme (ogs kaldet nyliberalisme, hvilket dog ikke m forveksles med det nutidige ord neoliberalisme) fremsatte de argumenter for, hvordan en konomisk krise kunne undgs eller formindskes, hvis blot statsmagten begyndte at intervenere i det konomiske liv. Denne konomiske opfattelse, kaldet keynesianisme, vandt indpas verden over og USA’s prsident Franklin D. Roosevelt planlagde sin New Deal p grundlag af dens principper.

Da omfanget af konomer og filosoffer, som kaldte sig selv liberale, men samtidig stttede en strk statslig indblanding i det konomiske liv steg kraftigt i disse r, blev ordet “liberalisme” i stadig hjere grad sammenkdet med etatisme, eller endog socialisme; hvilket stadig er tilfldet i nutidens USA og Storbritannien.

De personer, som stadig fastholdt tiltroen til oplysningstidens idealer om personlig frihed og privat ejendomsret stod sledes i et dilemma, da verden omkring dem havde defineret deres filosofiske grundlag p ny. Nogle begyndte derfor at kalde sig “klassisk liberale”, andre “konservative”.

Striden om hvad man skulle kalde sit filosofiske grundlag frte til en strre leksikal debat under og efter Den Store Depression blandt isr amerikanske og strigske liberalister.

I denne debat var den strigske konom og jurist Ludwig von Mises aktiv i sine bestrbelser p, at udrydde hvad han opfattede som intellektuel og praktisk forvirring. Iflge von Mises var det ikke blot et ord der var p spil, men en betydningsfuld forskel imellem den forholdsvist uforstyrrede markedskonomi og en statsstyret planlgningskonomi.

I sin bog Liberalismus fra 1927 gjorde von Mises op med de skaldte moderne liberale som mente, at politik alene handlede om et ml, f.eks. konomisk lighed. Heroverfor fremsatte von Mises den pstand, at politik slet ikke handlede om et ml i sig selv, men om de midler, hvormed et ml skal opns. Socialister og liberalister kunne sledes meget vel have samme ml, f.eks. menneskelig lykke, men midlet til at opn dette var vidt forskelligt.

For at understrege denne forskel, begyndte Leonard Read, der i 1937 havde grundlagt den liberale uddannelsesinstitution Foundation for Economic Education, i 1940erne, at omtale sin filosofiske opfattelse som “libertariansk” fordi han mente, folk ville misfortolke “klassisk”, i klassisk liberal, p en sdan mde, at de ville tro, der var tale om et antikt og utidssvarende filosofisk system[3]. I 1955 skrev Dean Russell en artikel, hvori han funderede over, hvad han skulle kalde sdan en som sig selv, der var tilhnger af den klassisk liberale filosofi. Han foreslog:

Lad os, som elsker frihed, tage patent p det gode navn “libertarianer”.[4]

Visse fremtrdende personligheder indenfor den libertarianske verden fortsatte dog med at betegne sig selv som klassisk liberale. Blandt disse var netop Ludwig von Mises og Friedrich Hayek, der begge i deres intellektuelle arbejde havde identificeret socialismen og fascismens kollektivistiske grundlag, som vrende i familie med totalitarismen.

Ayn Rands internationale bestsellere The Fountainhead (1943) og Atlas Shrugged (1957), samt hendes bger om den objektivistiske filosofi, affdte en fornyet interesse i de libertarianske ideer om frihed og kapitalisme[5] .

I 1958 udgav den britiske akademiker Isaiah Berlin sin essay Two Concepts of Liberty hvori han opstillede to forskellige definitioner af frihed: Positiv og negativ frihed. Hvor klassiske liberale arbejde for at sikre frihed i en negativ forstand, det vil sige frihed fra tvang, forsgte den skaldt moderne liberalisme og socialismen at opn frihed i sin positive betydning, ved at sikre mennesker en frihed til at opn en mulighed.

J. S. Mill’s Liberty, Spencer’s Individual versus the State, Marc Guyau’s Morality without Obligation or Sanction, and Fouille’s La Morale, I’art et la religion, the works of Multatuli (E. Douwes Dekker), Richard Wagner’s Art and Revolution, the works of Nietzsche, Emerson, W. Lloyd Garrison, Thoreau, Alexander Herzen, Edward Carpenter and so on; and in the domain of fiction, the dramas of Ibsen, the poetry of Walt Whitman, Tolstoy’s War and Peace, Zola’s Paris and Le Travail, the latest works of Merezhkovsky, and an infinity of works of less known authors, are full of ideas which show how closely anarchism is interwoven with the work that is going on in modern thought in the same direction of enfranchisement of man from the bonds of the state as well as from those of capitalism.

Many of us call ourselves “liberals,” And it is true that the word “liberal” once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons. As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is awkward, subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trademark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word “libertarian.”

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Pennsylvania Beaches, Lake Erie, Presque Isle, State Park Beaches

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Jan 162016
 

MAIN Beaches US Pennsylvania Beaches

Beaches? In Pennsylvania?

Normally, Philadelphians will usually just head to Cape May and the Jersey Shore for the summer. Head west, however, and you’ll soon discover some of the East Coast’s best shorelines in Pennsylvania.

From Pocono Mountain beaches to the beautiful seven mile stretch of shoreline in Presque Isle State Park (pictured)…. the Keystone State has a lock on summer fun.

Near the state’s other big metro area, Pittsburgh, Raccoon Creek State Park is an hour away with a lakefront beach that’s open all summer long. Head north from Pittsburgh, and Moraine State Park encompasses one of the state’s best lake beaches, Lake Arthur, offering 42 miles of shoreline to help beat the heat.

Of course, these are only a couple of mentions to start your summer fling in the Keystone State. Just up ahead, find lots more information on where to cool down when temperatures begin to rise in Pennsylvania.

Have fun!

DID YOU KNOW? Pennsylvania beach fun facts:

The Pocono Mountains are home to 150 lakes, some with sandy beaches. Some of the most popular include Beltzville State Park in the southern foothills, Gouldsboro Lake and Tobyhanna Lake, and Mauch Chunk Lake Park.

Due to the gentle Lake Erie surf that washes the coast, the seven miles of beachfront on Presque Isle are often dubbed the state’s only natural “seashore”.

Camelback Mountain isn’t just for Pennsylvania skiing anymore. If you can’t get to the beach, Try the Camelbeach Mountain Water Park, the largest water park in the state.

also see -> Pennsylvania tourism | PA campgrounds

More about Pennsylvania beaches around the Web:

– Read this USA Today guide for a good overview of where to go in summer with information on places to cool off in the Poconos, Hills Creek State Park, and Pine Grove Furnace State Park.

Best Pennsylvania Beaches – The best beaches to head for at Presque Isle with great overviews of Budny Beach and Pine Tree Beach.

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Pennsylvania Beaches, Lake Erie, Presque Isle, State Park Beaches

7 Amazing Pennsylvania Beaches You Must Visit This Summer

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Jan 162016
 

PA

Pennsylvania may be landlocked, but that doesnt mean it isnt home to some awesome beaches. Our many lakes and reservoirs grant us access to the water in a special way, especially the 11 beaches along Lake Erie in Presque Isle State Park. Read on to discover the best sandy getaways in our state for this summer

1. Black Moshannon State Park, Rush Township

The quaint beach at Black Moshannon State Park is located within proximity of the largest bog in Pennsylvania.

2. Bald Eagle State Park, Centre County

The Joseph Foster Sayers Reservoir is a man-made lake located in Bald Eagle State Park. It has a beautiful beach where you can kick back and relax.

3. Presque Isle State Park, Erie

Presque Isle State Park, along Lake Erie, has not one, but 11 beautiful beaches for you to enjoy.

4. Poe Valley State Park, Penn

Poe Lake is a manmade lake that was created during the Great Depression.

5. Harveys Lake, Wilkes-Barre

Harvey’s Lake is the largest naturally occurring lake that is contained entirely in the state of Pennsylvania.

6. Beltzville State Park, Carbon County

Not pictured: the beach. I promise it exists, though, all glistening 525 feet of sandy beach, complete with showers and a snack bar.

7. Mt. Gretna Lake & Beach, Lebanon

Mt. Gretna is a gorgeous beach that often hosts events such as birthday parties and day camps. There is an admission fee.

Though these beaches all look fun, it is somewhat difficult to locate more beaches in our state. What other ones do you know of? Tell me about them in the comments below!

Christi is from Allentown and currently lives and goes to school in Pittsburgh.

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7 Amazing Pennsylvania Beaches You Must Visit This Summer

Map of South Carolina Beaches – Beaches of South Carolina …

 Beaches  Comments Off on Map of South Carolina Beaches – Beaches of South Carolina …
Jan 112016
 

A great way to cool off in the Palmetto State is to go coastal and take a splash at one the beautiful beaches of South Carolina State Parks. You have four to choose from: Edisto Beach, Huntington Beach,Myrtle Beach andHunting Island state parks. These scenic coastal parks offer an ocean of summertime fun. Come on and dive into the excitement!

Only one hour from Charleston, SC, Edisto Island is home to Edisto Beach State Park. Palmetto trees line the pristine beach-front park which also features a maritime forest and an educational center full of fun interactive exhibits that highlight the natural history of Edisto Island and the surrounding ACE Basin.

Spend time surf fishing South Carolina shores or reeling in flounder or whiting from the salt marsh. Visitors can also hike the four-mile nature trail that winds through the maritime forest with beautiful vistas overlooking the salt marsh. The parks oceanfront campground makes for a perfect stay on Edisto Island. The park also features another campground and cabins located in the maritime forest.

For many South Carolina park-goersMyrtle Beach State Parkis the first state park theyve visited, mainly because it was the first one to open to the public. Located along the Grand Strand, this 312-acre park has cabins just 200 yards from the beach. Comb the beach for seashells, fire up the grill near one of the picnic shelters or fish from the Myrtle Beach Pier. Stop by the nature center to learn about the variety of sea life that lives in the ocean.

Another Grand Strand state park, located in Murrells Inlet, is Huntington Beach State Park. One of the main attractions at Huntington is Atalaya, a Moorish-style winter home of sculptor and philanthropist Anna Hyatt and Archer Huntington. The park is adjacent to Brookgreen Gardens. Wildlife abounds at Huntington Beach State Park. Youre likely to see an alligator basking in the sun, loggerhead sea turtles making their way to or from the beach or a variety of bird species, such as egrets and herons, wading in the water.

You can be one of more than a million visitors who will come toHunting Island State Parkeach year. Its truly a hot spot to cool off. The park has five miles of beach, a saltwater lagoon and maritime forests. A lighthouse dating from the 1870s stands 170-feet tall on the park. Climb to the top to see beautiful views of the Atlantic Ocean and Lowcountry marshland. Its worth the effort. Of all the lighthouses in South Carolina, its the only one thats open to the public.

Wherever you decide to surf the waves during your next SC State Park vacation, we promise youll have a great time on the sandy beaches of South Carolina. Find more information about the beach park of your choice on the map of South Carolina beaches below. Check out our state park map to see the rest of the South Carolina State Parks.

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Map of South Carolina Beaches – Beaches of South Carolina …

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beach monitoring program – Iowa Department of Natural Resources

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Sep 302015
 

Routine water quality monitoring is conducted at all of the State Park beaches and many locally managed beaches in Iowa. In order to help protect the health of those wishing to recreate at the beaches, the Iowa Department of Natural Resources works with various public health and management agencies throughout the state to inform the public of the most current water quality conditions. Outdoor recreation at beaches in Iowa is typically limited to the time period between Memorial Day and Labor Day. Therefore, most beach monitoring is conducted and standard swimming advisories are issued during this time frame. Results for specific beaches are published as soon as they become available.

For up to date information, call the DNR Beach Monitoring Hotline at (515) 725-3434. If you have any questions or concerns, contact us by email.

o Beaches that have had two or fewer one-time standard (samples over 235 cfu/100 ml) exceedances of the state standard during a running five years will be monitored less frequently. These beaches will be monitored on a weekly basis from the week before Memorial Day through Labor Day. All other state-owned beaches will be monitored from April 15th through October 31st.

Posting of Signs/Advisories

Why monitor beaches?

Swimming in lakes or any other natural body of water involves risks. By far, the greatest risk is drowning caused in part by cloudy water, fast currents, submerged objects, or the lack of lifeguards. Water at Iowas state-owned swimming beaches is monitored to assess the public health risk from waterborne diseases that may result from immersion in the water.

What is the DNR monitoring?

Water samples from the beaches are analyzed for microorganisms, known as bacteria.These indicator bacteria are one-celled organisms visible only under a microscope.High levels of these bacteria indicate that the water has come into contact with fecal material. Indicator bacteria (Bacteria that normally are not pathogenic [disease causing] but serve as indicators of certain types of pollution such as sewage or gasoline spills) are commonly used by state environmental agencies and by the U.S. EPA to determine the suitability of beaches for swimming-type uses.

Can these bacteria make me sick?

The indicator bacteria for which we monitor do not themselves make you sick. These bacteria are easy to collect and analyze and are relatively safe to handle. They are very common in the environment, including lakes and rivers.High levels of these bacteria indicate that the water has come into contact with fecal material and that pathogens or disease-causing microorganisms may be present.

Why doesn’t the DNR monitor pathogens?

Disease-causing organisms, known as pathogens, exist as bacteria, viruses or parasites.Monitoring for these pathogens is expensive and difficult. Large volumes of water are needed to monitor for pathogens because they are present in such small numbers. Many different types of pathogens exist and testing for a single pathogen may not accurately assess the health risk present due to other pathogens. Because indicator bacteria occur in greater numbers than pathogens and are easier to isolate in a laboratory, monitoring for them is more cost-effective.

What are the sources of these bacteria and pathogens?

Fecal bacteria, and sometimes pathogens, are present in the intestines of warm-blooded animals, including humans. They are carried into the water with fecal material. Fecal contamination occurs due to improperly constructed and operated septic systems and sewage treatment plants, manure spills, storm water runoff from lands with wildlife and pet droppings, or direct contamination from waterfowl, livestock, or small children in the water.

Samples are collected weekly at 37 state owned beaches from April 15 through October 31.This period corresponds to the recreational season when the Iowa Water Quality Standards, designed to protect swimming-type uses, is in effect. Water samples are taken at three locations along the beach and at three water depths (ankle-, knee- and waist-deep).The water from these locations is mixed to form one sample, which is placed in a sterilized bottle and taken to a laboratory for analysis.

What levels of indicator bacteria are considered safe?

The United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has guidelines for the amount of bacteria acceptable in water bodies designated for primary body contact recreation, including swimming and water skiing. In Iowa, these waters are called “Class A waters”. The bacteria level in the water is acceptable if the geometric mean is not greater than 126 colonies per 100 milliliters of water for E. coli bacteria.According to U.S. EPA guidelines, the geometric mean is calculated using at least five consecutive samples collected during a 30-day period. Additionally, Iowa also has a “one-time” standart for E. coli bacteria of 235 colony forming units per 100 milliliters of water.

What factors cause high levels of bacteria?

Fecal contamination of beach water occurs due to improperly constructed and operated septic systems and sewage treatment plants, manure spills, storm water runoff from lands with wildlife and pet droppings, or direct contamination from waterfowl, livestock, or small children in the water. In Iowa, rain appears to be one of the most important factors in generating high levels of bacteria.Surface runoff after a heavy rainfall may transport high levels of fecal bacteria to the water at the beach. The rain also increases the sediment in the water causing it to be murky. Since bacteria are destroyed by sunlight, murky water aids in their survival.

What are the potential illnesses associated with swimming? Thousands of people swim at Iowa’s beaches every year and most of them do not get sick. However, children, the elderly and people with weakened immune systems have an increased risk of becoming ill when in contact with contaminated water.A variety of diarrheal diseases, and other infections such as skin, ear and respiratory infections, are associated with swimming in contaminated water. Diarrhea is one of the most common illnesses associated with swimming. Diarrhea is spread when disease- causing microorganisms from human or animal feces get into the water. You can get diarrhea by accidentally swallowing small amounts of water that contains these microorganisms. To date, the DNR has received no verified reports of illnesses caused by swimming or water skiing in Iowas waters. However, these illnesses could be under-reported because the symptoms are so common and people can be infected by these pathogenic microbes through other means, such as from contaminated meat, not washing their hands after using the bathroom or changing diapers.

How can I avoid getting sick?

Avoid swimming after a heavy rainfall when indicator bacteria levels are generally higher and the water is murky. Avoid swallowing the water. Young children swimming at the beach can leak fecal bacteria and associated pathogens from their diapers, so change your childs diapers often and visit bathrooms frequently. If you or your child has diarrhea, please stay out of the water because you may contaminate the water with fecal material. Although swimmers with diarrhea do not mean to contaminate the water, this is often how disease is spread.

Can I eat fish from waters with high levels of fecal contamination?

Yes, high levels of indicator bacteria or pathogens have no influence on the quality of fish for human consumption. While alive, the fish is protected from water-borne contaminants by the skin, scales and mucus covering its body. Proper fish cleaning, rinsing, refrigeration and cooking should always be used.

Additional information can be found atHawkeye Area WQ Initiative

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beach monitoring program – Iowa Department of Natural Resources

Washington Beaches – Chiff.com

 Beaches  Comments Off on Washington Beaches – Chiff.com
Aug 202015
 

MAIN Beaches US Washington State Beaches

Although the changeable climate of the Northwest doesn’t give coastal areas the reputation it deserves, the summer can be like a day at the beach in the state of Washington.

When the weather’s fine, sandy beaches on Puget Sound and swimming lakes in the Cascades and the Pacific coast offer visitors a chance to enjoy the beach and water sports of all kinds.

And there’s so much to do along the Northern Pacific coast besides swimming. Try beachcombing, clamming, prime Washington State whale watching, and more. It’s all right here — including the top Seattle summer extravaganza at Seafair in July.

Oh, and did we mention the wilderness beaches of Olympic National Park?

Have fun!

DID YOU KNOW? Washington State beach fun facts:

Stretching 28-miles long, Long Beach, WA is the largest and longest sandy beach in the Northwest.

After missing the entrance to what was later named the Columbia River, English explorer John Meares dubbed the headland jutting out into the Pacific Ocean “Cape Disappointment.” Today, Cape Disappointment State Park happily features 27 miles of ocean beach, two lighthouses, camping and spectacularly scenic hiking trails.

Deception Pass State Park (Whidbey Island) was named by early explorers who mistakenly assumed Whidbey Island was a peninsula. Today, the island encompasses one of the most popular state parks in Washington, and its miles of sandy beaches is considered some of the most beautiful in the Puget Sound area.

The area around Alki Beach was named by the Chinook tribe meaning “eventually” or “by and by.” Today, Alki Beach is considered one of Seattle’s hippest, laid-back beach scenes.

More about Washington State beaches around the Web:

– This is the official city Parks and Recreation site with locations, beach hours and amenities, maps and directions for Green Lake Park, Matthews Beach, Seward Beach, Pritchard Island and more.

Welcome to Ocean Shores Washington – Find places for surfing, clamming, swimming, boating and sailing, and other diversions for landlubbers, as well.

The Best Washington State Beaches to Collect Beach Glass – Want to add to your beachcombing collection? You’ll find plenty to explore in this review of top locations for beach treasure at Alki Beach, Port Townsend, Deception Pass, and more.

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Washington Beaches – Chiff.com

Essay: John Rawls and Robert Nozick: liberalism vs …

 Misc  Comments Off on Essay: John Rawls and Robert Nozick: liberalism vs …
Aug 152015
 

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These days , in the occasional university philosophy classroom, the differences between Robert Nozicks Anarchy, State, and Utopia (libertarianism) and John Rawls A Theory of Justice (social liberalism) are still discussed vigorously. In order to demonstrate a broad spectrum of possible political philosophies it is necessary to define the outer boundaries, these two treatises stand like sentries at opposite gatesof the polis

John Rawls, A Theory of Justice. Rawls presents an account of justice in the form of two principles: (1) liberty principle= peoples equal basic liberties such as freedom of speech, freedom of conscience (religion), and the right to vote should be maximized, and (2) difference principle= inequalities in social and economic goods are acceptable only if they promote the welfare of the least advantaged members of society. Rawls writes in the social contract tradition. He seeks to define equilibrium points that, when accumulated, form a civil system characterized by what he calls justice as fairness. To get there he deploys an argument whereby people in an original position (state of nature), make decisions (legislate laws) behind a veil of ignorance (of their place in the society rich or poor) using a reasoning technique he calls reflective equilibrium. It goes something like: behind the veil of ignorance, with no knowledge of their own places in civil society, Rawls posits that reasonable people will default to social and economic positions that maximize the prospects for the worst off feed and house the poor in case you happen to become one. Its much like the prisoners dilemma in game theory. By his own words Rawls = left-liberalism.

Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia, libertarian response to Rawls which argues that only a minimal state devoted to the enforcement of contracts and protecting people against crimes like assault, robbery, fraud can be morally justified. Nozick suggests that the fundamental question of political philosophy is not how government should be organized but whether there should be any state at all, he is close to John Locke in that government is legitimate only to the degree that it promotes greater security for life, liberty, and property than would exist in a chaotic, pre-political state of nature. Nozick concludes, however, that the need for security justifies only a minimal, or night-watchman, state, since it cannot be demonstrated that citizens will attain any more security through extensive governmental intervention. (Nozick p.25-27)

the state may not use its coercive apparatus for the purpose of getting some citizens to aid others, or in order to prohibit activities to people for their own good or protection. (Nozick Preface p.ix)

Differences:

Similarities:

Some Practical Questions for Rawls:

Some Practical Questions for Nozick:

Read The Liberal Imagination of Frederick Douglass for an excellent discussion on the state of liberalism in America today.

Citations:

Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Robert Nozick. Basic Books. 1974

A Theory of Justice. John Rawls. Harvard University Press. 1971

Disclaimer: This is a forum for me to capture in digital type my understanding of various philosophies and philosophers. I cannot vouch for the accuracy of the interpretations.

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Racial Integrity Act of 1924 – Wikipedia, the free …

 Eugenics  Comments Off on Racial Integrity Act of 1924 – Wikipedia, the free …
Aug 042015
 

On March 20, 1924 the Virginia General Assembly passed two laws that had arisen out of contemporary concerns about eugenics and race: SB 219, titled “The Racial Integrity Act[1]” and SB 281, “An ACT to provide for the sexual sterilization of inmates of State institutions in certain cases”, henceforth referred to as “The Sterilization Act”. The Racial Integrity Act of 1924 was one of a series of laws designed to prevent inter racial relationships.

The Racial Integrity Act required that a racial description of every person be recorded at birth and divided society into only two classifications: white and colored (essentially all other, which included numerous American Indians). It defined race by the “one-drop rule”, defining as “colored” persons with any African or Native American ancestry. It also expanded the scope of Virginia’s ban on interracial marriage (anti-miscegenation law) by criminalizing all marriages between white persons and non-white persons. In 1967 the law was overturned by the United States Supreme Court in its ruling on Loving v. Virginia.

The Sterilization Act provided for compulsory sterilization of persons deemed to be “feebleminded,” including the “insane, idiotic, imbecile, or epileptic.”[2]

These two laws were Virginia’s implementation of Harry Laughlin’s “Model Eugenical Sterilization Law”,[3] published two years earlier in 1922. The Sterilization Act was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in the case Buck v. Bell 274 U.S. 200 (1927). This had appealed the order for compulsory sterilization of Carrie Buck, who was an inmate in the Virginia State Colony for Epileptics and Feebleminded, and her daughter and mother.

Together these laws implemented the practice of “scientific eugenics” in Virginia.

In the 1920s, Virginia’s registrar of statistics, Dr. Walter Ashby Plecker, was allied with the newly founded Anglo-Saxon Club of America in persuading the Virginia General Assembly to pass the Racial Integrity Law of 1924.[4] The club was founded in Virginia by John Powell of Richmond in the fall of 1922; within a year the club for white males had more than 400 members and 31 posts in the state.[5]

In 1923, the Anglo-Saxon Club founded two posts in Charlottesville, one for the town and one for students at the University of Virginia. It sought (and was successful in gaining) passage of legislation to classify all persons as belonging either to the “white” or “Negro” races. A major goal was to end “amalgamation” by racial intermarriage. Members claimed also to support Anglo-Saxon ideas of fair play. Later that fall, a state convention of club members was to be held in Richmond.[6]

The Virginia assembly’s 21st-century explanation for the laws summarizes their development:

The now-discredited pseudo-science of eugenics was based on theories first propounded in England by Francis Galton, the cousin and disciple of famed biologist Charles Darwin. The goal of the “science” of eugenics was to improve the human race by eliminating what the movement’s supporters considered hereditary disorders or flaws through selective breeding and social engineering. The eugenics movement proved popular in the United States, with Indiana enacting the nation’s first eugenics-based sterilization law in 1907.[7]

In the following five decades, other states followed Indiana’s example by implementing the eugenic laws. Wisconsin was the first State to enact legislation that required the medical certification of persons who applied for marriage licenses. The law that was enacted in 1913 generated attempts at similar legislation in other states.

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Positive and Negative Liberty (Stanford Encyclopedia of …

 Liberty  Comments Off on Positive and Negative Liberty (Stanford Encyclopedia of …
Jul 242015
 

Imagine you are driving a car through town, and you come to a fork in the road. You turn left, but no one was forcing you to go one way or the other. Next you come to a crossroads. You turn right, but no one was preventing you from going left or straight on. There is no traffic to speak of and there are no diversions or police roadblocks. So you seem, as a driver, to be completely free. But this picture of your situation might change quite dramatically if we consider that the reason you went left and then right is that you’re addicted to cigarettes and you’re desperate to get to the tobacconists before it closes. Rather than driving, you feel you are being driven, as your urge to smoke leads you uncontrollably to turn the wheel first to the left and then to the right. Moreover, you’re perfectly aware that your turning right at the crossroads means you’ll probably miss a train that was to take you to an appointment you care about very much. You long to be free of this irrational desire that is not only threatening your longevity but is also stopping you right now from doing what you think you ought to be doing.

This story gives us two contrasting ways of thinking of liberty. On the one hand, one can think of liberty as the absence of obstacles external to the agent. You are free if no one is stopping you from doing whatever you might want to do. In the above story you appear, in this sense, to be free. On the other hand, one can think of liberty as the presence of control on the part of the agent. To be free, you must be self-determined, which is to say that you must be able to control your own destiny in your own interests. In the above story you appear, in this sense, to be unfree: you are not in control of your own destiny, as you are failing to control a passion that you yourself would rather be rid of and which is preventing you from realizing what you recognize to be your true interests. One might say that while on the first view liberty is simply about how many doors are open to the agent, on the second view it is more about going through the right doors for the right reasons.

In a famous essay first published in 1958, Isaiah Berlin called these two concepts of liberty negative and positive respectively (Berlin 1969).[1] The reason for using these labels is that in the first case liberty seems to be a mere absence of something (i.e. of obstacles, barriers, constraints or interference from others), whereas in the second case it seems to require the presence of something (i.e. of control, self-mastery, self-determination or self-realization). In Berlin’s words, we use the negative concept of liberty in attempting to answer the question What is the area within which the subject a person or group of persons is or should be left to do or be what he is able to do or be, without interference by other persons?, whereas we use the positive concept in attempting to answer the question What, or who, is the source of control or interference that can determine someone to do, or be, this rather than that? (1969, pp. 12122).

It is useful to think of the difference between the two concepts in terms of the difference between factors that are external and factors that are internal to the agent. While theorists of negative freedom are primarily interested in the degree to which individuals or groups suffer interference from external bodies, theorists of positive freedom are more attentive to the internal factors affecting the degree to which individuals or groups act autonomously. Given this difference, one might be tempted to think that a political philosopher should concentrate exclusively on negative freedom, a concern with positive freedom being more relevant to psychology or individual morality than to political and social institutions. This, however, would be premature, for among the most hotly debated issues in political philosophy are the following: Is the positive concept of freedom a political concept? Can individuals or groups achieve positive freedom through political action? Is it possible for the state to promote the positive freedom of citizens on their behalf? And if so, is it desirable for the state to do so? The classic texts in the history of western political thought are divided over how these questions should be answered: theorists in the classical liberal tradition, like Constant, Humboldt, Spencer and Mill, are typically classed as answering no and therefore as defending a negative concept of political freedom; theorists that are critical of this tradition, like Rousseau, Hegel, Marx and T.H. Green, are typically classed as answering yes and as defending a positive concept of political freedom.

In its political form, positive freedom has often been thought of as necessarily achieved through a collectivity. Perhaps the clearest case is that of Rousseau’s theory of freedom, according to which individual freedom is achieved through participation in the process whereby one’s community exercises collective control over its own affairs in accordance with the general will. Put in the simplest terms, one might say that a democratic society is a free society because it is a self-determined society, and that a member of that society is free to the extent that he or she participates in its democratic process. But there are also individualist applications of the concept of positive freedom. For example, it is sometimes said that a government should aim actively to create the conditions necessary for individuals to be self-sufficient or to achieve self-realization. The negative concept of freedom, on the other hand, is most commonly assumed in liberal defences of the constitutional liberties typical of liberal-democratic societies, such as freedom of movement, freedom of religion, and freedom of speech, and in arguments against paternalist or moralist state intervention. It is also often invoked in defences of the right to private property, although some have contested the claim that private property necessarily enhances negative liberty (Cohen, 1991, 1995).

After Berlin, the most widely cited and best developed analyses of the negative concept of liberty include Hayek (1960), Day (1971), Oppenheim (1981), Miller (1983) and Steiner (1994). Among the most prominent contemporary analyses of the positive concept of liberty are Milne (1968), Gibbs (1976), C. Taylor (1979) and Christman (1991, 2005).

Many liberals, including Berlin, have suggested that the positive concept of liberty carries with it a danger of authoritarianism. Consider the fate of a permanent and oppressed minority. Because the members of this minority participate in a democratic process characterized by majority rule, they might be said to be free on the grounds that they are members of a society exercising self-control over its own affairs. But they are oppressed, and so are surely unfree. Moreover, it is not necessary to see a society as democratic in order to see it as self-controlled; one might instead adopt an organic conception of society, according to which the collectivity is to be thought of as a living organism, and one might believe that this organism will only act rationally, will only be in control of itself, when its various parts are brought into line with some rational plan devised by its wise governors (who, to extend the metaphor, might be thought of as the organism’s brain). In this case, even the majority might be oppressed in the name of liberty.

Such justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. Berlin, himself a liberal and writing during the cold war, was clearly moved by the way in which the apparently noble ideal of freedom as self-mastery or self-realization had been twisted and distorted by the totalitarian dictators of the twentieth century most notably those of the Soviet Union so as to claim that they, rather than the liberal West, were the true champions of freedom. The slippery slope towards this paradoxical conclusion begins, according to Berlin, with the idea of a divided self. To illustrate: the smoker in our story provides a clear example of a divided self, for she is both a self that desires to get to an appointment and a self that desires to get to the tobacconists, and these two desires are in conflict. We can now enrich this story in a plausible way by adding that one of these selves the keeper of appointments is superior to the other: the self that is a keeper of appointments is thus a higher self, and the self that is a smoker is a lower self. The higher self is the rational, reflecting self, the self that is capable of moral action and of taking responsibility for what she does. This is the true self, for rational reflection and moral responsibility are the features of humans that mark them off from other animals. The lower self, on the other hand, is the self of the passions, of unreflecting desires and irrational impulses. One is free, then, when one’s higher, rational self is in control and one is not a slave to one’s passions or to one’s merely empirical self. The next step down the slippery slope consists in pointing out that some individuals are more rational than others, and can therefore know best what is in their and others’ rational interests. This allows them to say that by forcing people less rational than themselves to do the rational thing and thus to realize their true selves, they are in fact liberating them from their merely empirical desires. Occasionally, Berlin says, the defender of positive freedom will take an additional step that consists in conceiving of the self as wider than the individual and as represented by an organic social whole a tribe, a race, a church, a state, the great society of the living and the dead and the yet unborn. The true interests of the individual are to be identified with the interests of this whole, and individuals can and should be coerced into fulfilling these interests, for they would not resist coercion if they were as rational and wise as their coercers. Once I take this view, Berlin says, I am in a position to ignore the actual wishes of men or societies, to bully, oppress, torture in the name, and on behalf, of their real selves, in the secure knowledge that whatever is the true goal of man … must be identical with his freedom (Berlin 1969, pp. 13233).

Those in the negative camp try to cut off this line of reasoning at the first step, by denying that there is any necessary relation between one’s freedom and one’s desires. Since one is free to the extent that one is externally unprevented from doing things, they say, one can be free to do what one does not desire to do. If being free meant being unprevented from realizing one’s desires, then one could, again paradoxically, reduce one’s unfreedom by coming to desire fewer of the things one is unfree to do. One could become free simply by contenting oneself with one’s situation. A perfectly contented slave is perfectly free to realize all of her desires. Nevertheless, we tend to think of slavery as the opposite of freedom. More generally, freedom is not to be confused with happiness, for in logical terms there is nothing to stop a free person from being unhappy or an unfree person from being happy. The happy person might feel free, but whether they are free is another matter (Day, 1970). Negative theorists of freedom therefore tend to say not that having freedom means being unprevented from doing as one desires, but that it means being unprevented from doing whatever one might desire to do.

Some theorists of positive freedom bite the bullet and say that the contented slave is indeed free that in order to be free the individual must learn, not so much to dominate certain merely empirical desires, but to rid herself of them. She must, in other words, remove as many of her desires as possible. As Berlin puts it, if I have a wounded leg there are two methods of freeing myself from pain. One is to heal the wound. But if the cure is too difficult or uncertain, there is another method. I can get rid of the wound by cutting off my leg (1969, pp. 13536). This is the strategy of liberation adopted by ascetics, stoics and Buddhist sages. It involves a retreat into an inner citadel a soul or a purely noumenal self in which the individual is immune to any outside forces. But this state, even if it can be achieved, is not one that liberals would want to call one of freedom, for it again risks masking important forms of oppression. It is, after all, often in coming to terms with excessive external limitations in society that individuals retreat into themselves, pretending to themselves that they do not really desire the worldly goods or pleasures they have been denied. Moreover, the removal of desires may also be an effect of outside forces, such as brainwashing, which we should hardly want to call a realization of freedom.

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Positive and Negative Liberty (Stanford Encyclopedia of …

Indiana and Arkansas add LGBT protections to religious freedom laws

 Freedom  Comments Off on Indiana and Arkansas add LGBT protections to religious freedom laws
Apr 032015
 

LITTLE ROCK, Ark. Lawmakers in Arkansas andIndiana passed legislation Thursday that they hoped would quiet the national uproar over new religious objections laws that opponents say are designed to offer a legal defense for anti-gay discrimination.

The Arkansas House voted 76-17 to adopt a revised bill after Republican Gov. Asa Hutchinson asked for changes in the wake of mounting criticism. Hutchinson signed it only moments after the vote, saying the new version recognizes that “we have a diverse workforce and a diverse culture.”

A parallel process played out at theIndianaCapitol as the House and Senate passed changes to a law signed last week by GOP Gov. Mike Pence, who quickly approved the revisions.

“Over the past week, this law has become a subject of great misunderstanding and controversy across our state and nation,” Pence said in a statement. “However we got here, we are where we are, and it is important that our state take action to address the concerns that have been raised and move forward.”

The new legislation marks the first time sexual orientation and gender identity have been mentioned inIndianalaw.

The Arkansas measure is similar to a bill sent to the governor earlier this week, but Hutchinson said he wanted it revised to more closely mirror a 1993 federal law.

TheIndianaamendment prohibits service providers from using the law as a legal defense for refusing to provide goods, services, facilities or accommodations. It also bars discrimination based on race, color, religion, ancestry, age, national origin, disability, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity or U.S. military service.

The measure exempts churches and affiliated schools, along with nonprofit religious organizations.

Business leaders, many of whom had opposed the law or canceled travel to the state because of it, called the amendment a good first step but said more work needs to be done. Gay-rights groups noted thatIndiana’scivil-rights law still does not include LGBT people as a protected class.

Former Indianapolis Mayor Bart Peterson, now a senior vice president at drugmaker Eli Lilly, praised the changes but said the state’s image must still be mended.

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Indiana and Arkansas add LGBT protections to religious freedom laws

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In Religious Freedom Debate, a Retreat by Key Republicans

 Freedom  Comments Off on In Religious Freedom Debate, a Retreat by Key Republicans
Apr 032015
 

By Perry Bacon Jr.

The debate over religious freedom laws this week illustrated the growing momentum of gay rights, with some key Republican politicians forced to adjust their policy stances and public comments as they worried about being cast as intolerant.

On Thursday night, Indiana Gov. Mike Pence signed a revised version of the religious freedom provision which touched off a national controversy that both embarrassed some in his state and may have ended his chances of becoming president. Pence backed the new provision, which includes special language that says religious freedom should be not used as a way to discriminate based on race, sexual orientation or gender, only five days after he strongly had defended the original law and said he would be unwilling to change it.

But Pence was not the only Republican who had to reverse himself within a few days. Legislators in Arkansas revised a similar provision in their state amid protests, and they made changes that will make it harder for private individuals or businesses to cite religious freedom as a way to avoid providing services as part of same-sex weddings.

Former Florida governor and leading 2016 candidate Jeb Bush, who on Monday had praised Pence and strongly defended the law, two days later adjusted his position and suggested that Indiana should have followed the model of Utah’s religious freedom provision, which had included protections in its original version for people who are gay.

Meanwhile, another Republican, Michigan Gov. Rick Snyder, said he would not sign a religious freedom provision that is being considered in the Michigan state legislature.

The shifts by top Republicans irritated religious conservatives, who are very comfortable asserting the view that businesses should be allowed, based on the religious beliefs of their owners, not to take actions that could be considered as condoning gay marriage.

“We have watched a sad spectacle this week as one Republican elected leader after another retreated on the rights of people of faith to have space to express their religious beliefs and defend their conscience,” said Tim Head, executive director of Faith & Freedom Coalition, a national conservative group. “When criticized on the simple issue of the First Amendment right to exercise one’s religion, they folded like a cheap suit.”

Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal, a 2016 presidential candidate, also defended those opposed to same-sex marriage.

“Here in America, we shouldn’t force those with sincerely held religious beliefs to participate in ceremonies they don’t want to. That’s the real discrimination,” Jindal said in an interview with a Des Moines radio station that his aides distributed to reporters.

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In Religious Freedom Debate, a Retreat by Key Republicans

What Indiana's Proposed 'Fix' to Religious Freedom Law Still Allows

 Freedom  Comments Off on What Indiana's Proposed 'Fix' to Religious Freedom Law Still Allows
Apr 022015
 

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The proposed amendment to Indianas controversial religious freedom law stops businesses and individuals from refusing service or goods to people based on sexual orientation, gender identity or other reasons — but the law could still serve as the basis for some denials of services or goods, though only when religious officials or groups are involved, experts say.

A suggested “fix” to the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), if approved by the state legislature and signed by Indiana Gov. Mike Pence, also prohibits discrimination based upon race, color, religion, ancestry, age, national origin, disability, sex or U.S. military service. But legal experts say that wont hinder the original intentions of the law — which was intended as a legal defense for people or employers who felt that their religious beliefs were being infringed.

If you had a religious claim that says, ‘I dont have to pay attention to a gay rights statute,’ that claim will lose. Those laws were never going to do that, Robin Fretwell Wilson, a law professor at the University of Illinois told ABC News.

Once you put the carve-out there, you inoculate [the] law from a claim that was wrong all along, she said.

State legislatures in Indiana and Arkansas may have drawn the most attention by passing versions of the “religious freedom” law this week, but similar religious freedom laws are in place in 19 states across the country, and 10 others have similar bills in the works, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

Douglas Laycock, a law professor at the University of Virginia, said RFRA claims are rarely brought to court and generally come in the form of low-profile conflicts between diverse religious practices and diverse laws and regulations.

National Conference of State Legislatures/ABC News

Infographic: How do other state laws compare to Indianas Religious Freedom Act?

There are remarkably few cases and there are even fewer wins for the religious side, but they’re extremely important to the people affected, he told ABC News.

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Supreme Court rules GPS trackers are a form of search and seizure

 Fourth Amendment  Comments Off on Supreme Court rules GPS trackers are a form of search and seizure
Apr 012015
 

Shane McGlaun

This week the US Supreme Court clarified a law by ruling the Torrey Dale Grady v. North Carolina case that had to do with clarification of the Fourth Amendment. The case was sent back to the state high court after a unanimous opinion set down by the Justices helped to clarify how the Fourth Amendment works.

The Fourth Amendment protects against unreasonable search and seizure. With the clarification the court set down a precedent that says if the government puts a GPS tracker on your car, you, or your belongings it counts as search and is protected by the Fourth Amendment.

After being twice convicted as a sex offender, Grady was forced to wear a GPS monitor at all times to allow authorities to monitor his location. Grady challenged the court sating that the device qualified as unreasonable search.

The highest court in North Carolina ruled the tracker wasn’t considered search. The Supreme Court has decided otherwise and sets a precedent that may prevent other convicted criminals from being forced to wear GPS trackers in the future. This case will likely have implications in the state of Wisconsin as well since that state can force repeat sex offenders to wear tracking bracelets.

SOURCE: The Atlantic

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Revisions for Indianas Controversial Religious Freedom Law – Video

 Freedom  Comments Off on Revisions for Indianas Controversial Religious Freedom Law – Video
Apr 012015
 



Revisions for Indianas Controversial Religious Freedom Law
Gov. Pence now says the state should correct a perception problem with the law. Watch more ABC News coverage: http://www.abcnews.com Subscribe to WN on YouTube: …

By: ABC News

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