Is Lithuania going to lose its freedom?
On March 11, 2015 Lithuania celebrated it's independence from the Soviet Union but how long will it last?
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Is Lithuania going to lose its freedom? – Video
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Is Lithuania going to lose its freedom? – Video
NATO reporting names are code names for military equipment of the Eastern Bloc (Soviet Union and other nations of the Warsaw Pact) and China. They provide unambiguous and easily understood English language words in a uniform manner in place of the original designations which may have been unknown (to the West) at the time or easily confused codes.
NATO maintains lists of these names. The assignment of the names for the Russian and Chinese aircraft was once managed by the five-nation Air Standardization Coordinating Committee (ASCC) (now called the Air and Space Interoperability Council, or ASIC, which includes representatives of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States). This is no longer the case.
The United States Department of Defense expands on the NATO reporting names in some cases. NATO refers to surface-to-air missile systems mounted on ships or submarines with the same names as the corresponding land-based systems, but the US DoD assigns a different series of numbers with a different suffix (i.e., SA-N- vs. SA-) for these systems. The names are kept the same as a convenience. Where there is no corresponding system, a new name is devised. Some US DoD nomenclature is included in the following pages and is noted as such.
The Soviet Union did not always assign official popular names to its aircraft, although unofficial nicknames were common as in any air force. Generally the Soviet pilots have not used the NATO names, preferring a different Russian nickname. An exception was that Soviet airmen appreciated the MiG-29’s codename ‘Fulcrum’ as an indication of its pivotal role in Soviet air defence. Hundreds of names had to be chosen, so the names covered a wide variety of subjects and include some obscure words.
To reduce the risk of confusion, unusual or made-up names were allocated, the idea being that the names chosen would be unlikely to occur in normal conversation, and be easier to memorise. For fixed-wing aircraft, single-syllable words denoted piston-prop and turboprop, while multiple-syllable words denoted jets. Bombers had names starting with the letter B and names like Badger (2 syllables: jet), Bear (single syllable: propeller), and Blackjack were used. Frogfoot, the reporting name for the Sukhoi Su-25, references the aircrafts close air support role. Transports had names starting with C (as in cargo), which resulted in names like Condor or Candid.
A fictional NATO reporting name “Firefox” for a fictional “MiG-31″ appears in the novel Firefox and subsequent movie. The real MiG-31 from 1979 was assigned the reporting name “Foxhound”.
The initial letter of the name indicated the use of that equipment.
The first letter indicates the type of aircraft, like Bear for a bomber aircraft, or Fulcrum for a fighter aircraft.
For fixed-wing aircraft, one syllable names were used for propeller-powered craft (turboprops included), while two-syllable names indicated jet engines.
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NATO reporting name – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
PABRADE, Lithuania On a desolate plain where Soviet tanks once prepared for a possible invasion of Western Europe, American troops are training to deter Moscow from another invasion.
Through a dense smokescreen, soldiers of the Second Cavalry Regiment advance amid intense gunfire on the imaginary positions of a NATO enemy. On their flanks are fellow NATO soldiers from Lithuania where the war game is being held who just a quarter century ago would have been enemies, as Lithuania was one of the fifteen republics of the Soviet Union.
The U.S. and NATO are ramping up their deterrence capabilities against any Russian threat to Europe’s borders and this joint exercise is aimed squarely at Russia. NATO is drawing a red line in the three Baltic states, all of them alliance members, with a message to Moscow: “Don’t cause trouble here and don’t try to invade!”
American Stryker armored vehicles speed across the churned ground; later this year they will be replaced in Lithuania by Abrams main battle tanks and another rotation of American troops will arrive.
U.S. Army Capt. Russell Moore, who is leading the troops involved in the current exercise, said the war games show not just that the “the U.S. is willing to stand with all of its NATO alliance partners It shows that we’re strong, Europe is strong and there’s a collective defense ready to defend against any foreign aggression.”
Lieutenant Evaldas Milkintis, his Lithuanian comrade, agrees.
“We feel safer training together,” he said. “We’re trying to be ready to react to any threat from outside.”
Lithuania has good reason to feel threatened. It was ruled by Moscow for decades until the end of the Cold War and doesn’t want to be ruled by Vladimir Putin now. That’s why the small nation has watched with growing alarm as Ukraine’s borders were torn up by Moscow-backed fighters.
To its west is the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad, home to Russia’s Baltic warships. And in the skies above the Baltic Sea, it watches Russian warplanes test NATO’s responses.
Lithuania has become one of Russia’s main adversaries because it has sent military help to the Kiev government.
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Tanks and Tactics: NATO Exercises Send Message to Putin
By: Martinoz O
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C&C Red Alert 3 – Soviet Mission 8 Easter Islands, The Stone-Faced Witnesses [HD] – Video
The Cold War didn’t end. It just took on a 24-year pause. The East-West showdown over Ukraine makes that clear.
As the non-Russian republics broke free in the Soviet collapse and Eastern European Soviet satellite countries snapped the chains of Moscow’s dominion, common wisdom held that the Cold War was over. The victors: The United States and its European allies, bound together in the NATO alliance to block further Soviet expansion in Europe after World War II.
Since the Soviet collapse as Moscow had feared that alliance has spread eastward, expanding along a line from Estonia in the north to Romania and Bulgaria in the south. The Kremlin claims it had Western assurances that would not happen. Now, Moscow’s only buffers to a complete NATO encirclement on its western border are Finland, Belarus and Ukraine.
The Kremlin would not have to be paranoid to look at that map with concern. And Russia reacted dramatically early last year. U.S.-Russian relations have fallen back into the dangerous nuclear and political standoff of the Cold War years before the Soviet collapse
It began with prolonged pro-Western demonstrations in the Ukrainian capital. The upheaval caused corrupt, Russia-friendly President Viktor Yanukovych to flee to Moscow nearly a year ago. The political turmoil broke out after Yanukovych contrary to an agreement with the European Union for closer trade and political ties with the pan-European political and trading bloc backed out and accepted Russian guarantees of billions of dollars in financial aid.
When a new, pro-Western government took power in Ukraine, Russia reacted by seizing the Crimean Peninsula and making it once again a part of Russia. Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev transferred the strategic region from Russian federation control to the Ukraine republic in 1954. Crimea remained base to Russia’s Black Sea fleet, and ethnic Russians are a majority of the population.
Russian-speaking separatists in eastern Ukraine along the Russian border began agitating, then fighting to break free of Kiev’s control, variously demanding autonomy, independence or to become a part of Russia. As Russian-backed fighters the West claims they have been given Russian heavy arms and are backed by Russian forces pushed deeper into Ukraine, a September peace conference drew up plans for a cease-fire and eventual steps toward a political resolution.
The cease-fire never held and the fighting between Ukrainian forces and the separatist grew more intense. The separatists accumulated considerable ground in the fighting, which the United Nations reports has claimed 5,300 lives.
Now there’s a new peace plan. Hammered out in all-night negotiations earlier this week, it calls for a cease-fire to take effect Sunday. But since the deal was announced, fighting has only increased, as Ukrainian forces battle to hold a major rail hub in Debaltseve. It controls transport between the rebel-held regions of Donetsk and Luhansk. Those regions are home to major heavy industrial complexes, many of which produce weapons for Russia’s military.
As part of the deal that calls for an end to fighting, both sides are to draw back heavy weapons from the conflict line. Kiev is to write a new constitution that would reflect the autonomy demands of the separatists. Ukraine would retake control of its border with Russia. Moscow views the deal as a guarantee Ukraine will not join NATO.
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Analysis: NATO Expansion at Heart of Ukraine Crisis
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Command and Conquer Red Alert 3: Soviet Mission 8 – Easter Islands – Video
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NATO and Moldova tackle a silent killer – Video
Russia’s air force commander on Tuesday accused the United States and its NATO allies of provoking confrontation over the Baltic Sea by sending spy planes near the Russian border “practically every day.”
In apparent response to accusations from NATO military officials that a Russian jet flying a stealth mission nearly caused a collision with an SAS commercial jet last week, Russian Air Force commander Col. Gen. Viktor Bondarev said at a news briefing in Moscow that the Western alliance has “massively” stepped up aerial surveillance of Russia’s air defense capabilities.
“In 2014, the number of flights by reconnaissance aircraft of the United States and NATO countries over territories of the Baltic countries, the Baltic and Barents seas has increased considerably, Bondarev said, estimating that NATO typically conducts eight to 12 such flights a week.
“Strategic reconnaissance aircraft RC-135 of the U.S. Air Force perform flights practically every day,” the Tass news agency quoted Bondarev as saying. He put the number of RC-135 flights in the vicinity of Russian borders at 140 so far this year, compared with 22 in 2013.
As relations between the former Cold War adversaries have plunged into a new phase of distrust over Kremlin aggression against Ukraine, Russian and NATO surveillance aircraft have taken to the skies in rival shows of force over the Baltic region, which was under Soviet domination for most of the previous century.
Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union at the advent of World War II, but have spun into the Western security orbit since breaking free of Moscow’s control amid the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union. All three former Soviet Baltic republics are now part of the 28-nation North Atlantic Treaty Organization, as are Baltic Sea littoral states Poland and what was Communist East Germany during the Cold War era.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has loudly opposed the encroachment of NATO into Eastern Europe regions he considers to be Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. His armed forces seized Ukraine’s Crimea region in February after a pro-Europe rebellion in the former Soviet republic to Russia’s southeast toppled Kremlin-allied President Viktor Yanukovich.
Putin is also accused by the new Ukrainian leadership and its Western allies of sending arms and fighters to bolster the separatist movement that has wrested key areas of eastern Ukraine from the Kiev government’s control.
At his news briefing, Bondarev said NATO had also deployed AWACS — airborne warning and control system — aircraft on missions to survey areas in the Black Sea, Ukraine and western Russia. Those aircraft, as well as Swedish Gulfstream reconnaissance planes, German Orion P-3Cs, Danish Challengers and Portuguese Orions, have been collecting intelligence on Russian armed forces in the Kaliningrad exclave and in Baltic waters, the Russian Tass news agency said.
Bondarev’s claims appeared to be in response to mounting accusations from NATO countries that Russian aerial operations are posing a threat to the safety of civilian aircraft.
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Russia accuses NATO of aerial spying 'practically every day'
By: The Heritage Foundation
By Pyotr Romanov
Published: October 15, 2014 (Issue # 1833)
It became clear just how much thesubject ofNATO is asore spot forRussian society when new NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg was quoted ina recent interview onPolish television as saying that NATO would base its forces wherever we want.
Moscow immediately responded byreminding theWest that such apolicy would violate agreements between NATO andRussia prompting Brussels tohurriedly issue acorrection, claiming that thePolish translator had misquoted Stoltenberg.
Ofcourse, mistakes happen, but considering that Russian-Polish relations have been far fromideal forcenturies, it is entirely possible that thetranslator heard exactly what Warsaw wanted tohear.
Nor does Moscows frustrated andangry response come as any surprise: Russia is convinced that theWest broke its promise that NATO would refrain fromexpanding intoEastern Europe inexchange forthe reunification ofGermany. True, that pledge was never set down ina legally binding document, but thefeeling remains that Russia was betrayed.
TheRussian mentality also plays arole here because legal documents do not hold thesame sway inthis country as they do inthe West. Even with all thecorruption that exists, asolemn promise carries more weight formany Russians than does anotarized document.
Andfinally, it is clear why Brussels rushed toissue thecorrection: Relations have already deteriorated intoa new Cold War without adding this problem as well.
Andyet, thesituation is adouble edged sword: It helps NATO find anew purpose following thecollapse ofthe Soviet Union, andit provides justification fora Russian military buildup. But other than themilitary-industrial complexes ofboth sides, who really stands togain froma new arms race?
Obviously, Russian politicians, generals andadmirals take whatever stance toward NATO their jobs demand.
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What Russians Think About NATO
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KGB, torture and Soviet terror: why Latvia worries about todays Russia (NATO Review) – Video
File Photo: Jens Stoltenberg (AFP Photo)
The former Norwegian prime minister — the first NATO secretary general from a country bordering Russia — is known for his good relations with President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev.
During his decade in power, the two countries signed milestone agreements on the delineation of their frontier in the Barents Sea and on visa exemptions for their border populations.
An economist by training, the former Labour Party head has never shown any particular fondness for defence or security matters.
But his experience has left him with a strong international network and honed his skills as a cross-border negotiator, both of which could prove essential.
The 55-year-old will take office on Wednesday, at a moment in history when NATO’s face-off with Russia over Ukraine has sparked tensions not seen since the collapse of the Soviet bloc.
“It’s very hard to anticipate how he will behave in this position regarding his rather positive past with Moscow,” said Vivien Pertusot at the French Institute of International Relations in Brussels.
“He’s been extremely silent these last months, since his appointment became public. Will he follow the firm steps of (his Danish predecessor Anders Fogh) Rasmussen or will he try to become a soothing mediator?”
Despite unrest in several countries of interest to NATO, including Ukraine, Syria, Libya and Afghanistan, Stoltenberg has remained tight-lipped.
The only hint he has given as to his stance was when he told Norwegian news agency NTB on September 23 that “continuing as before (with Russia) is not an option”.
Japan plans to lodge an official protest with Russia over the visit by a senior official to an island claimed by both nations, adding to tensions that have prevented a summit between the leaders of the two countries.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told reporters today in Tokyo that the visit to the island, called Iturup in Russian and Etorofu in Japanese, by Sergei Ivanov, head of the Russian presidential administration, was extremely regrettable.
While Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe agreed on a phone call last week to continue talks at events such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Beijing in November, Putins planned visit to Japan this autumn has yet to materialize. Japans backing of Group of Seven sanctions on Russia over its Ukraine policy has hurt Abes push for closer ties.
Ivanovs visit comes six weeks after Russia held military exercises in the Kuril islands, known as the Northern Territories in Japan. The drills were absolutely unacceptable, Japans Foreign Ministry said at the time.
Russia opened a new airport on the island visited by Ivanov on Sept. 22, according to the ITAR-Tass news agency. The island is one of four near Japans northernmost main island of Hokkaido at the center of a disagreement with Russia since the Soviet Union took them over at the end of World War II.
Abe had been working to resolve the Cold War-era territorial differences and expand the supply of Russian energy to Japan. He is the first Japanese leader in a decade to make an official visit to Russia, and has met Putin five times, including a trip to the Sochi Olympics opening ceremony that was shunned by U.S. President Barack Obama.
Differences over the islands proved the stumbling block to Japan and the Soviet Union signing a permanent peace treaty after negotiations in 1956. At the time, the two sides signed a joint declaration reestablishing diplomatic relations and agreed to continue talks on the islands.
To contact the reporter on this story: Maiko Takahashi in Tokyo at firstname.lastname@example.org
To contact the editors responsible for this story: Andrew Davis at email@example.com Andy Sharp
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Japan to Protest Russian Officials Visit to Disputed Islands
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Hagel reaffirms U.S. support for Georgia in NATO pursuit – Video
By: USA Survival
By: Rasputin kalaschnikov
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Russia’s President Vladimir Putin attends a televised meeting with regional media in St. Petersburg, Russia, April 24, 2014. Reuters/Michael Klimentyev/RIA Novosti/Kremlin
WASHINGTON — After two decades of trying to build a partnership with Russia, the NATO alliance now feels compelled to start treating Moscow as an adversary, the second-ranking official of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization said Thursday.
“Clearly the Russians have declared NATO as an adversary, so we have to begin to view Russia no longer as a partner but as more of an adversary than a partner,” said Alexander Vershbow, the deputy secretary-general of NATO.
The president of Ukraine said his country’s armed forces are on full alert for a possible Russian attack. Norah O’Donnell reports on how pro-Russ…
“In central Europe, clearly we have two different visions of what European security should be like,” Vershbow, a former U.S. diplomat and former Pentagon official, said. “We still would defend the sovereignty and freedom of choice of Russia’s neighbors, and Russia clearly is trying to re-impose hegemony and limit their sovereignty under the guise of a defense of the Russian world.”
In April, NATO suspended all “practical civilian and military cooperation” with Russia, although Russia has maintained its diplomatic mission to NATO, which was established in 1998.
Vershbow said NATO, created 65 years ago as a bulwark against the former Soviet Union, is considering new defensive measures aimed at deterring Russia from any aggression against NATO members along its border, such as the Baltic states that were once part of the Soviet Union, Vershbow said.
“We want to be sure that we can come to the aid of these countries if there were any, even indirect, threat very quickly before any facts on the ground can be established,” he said.
To do that, NATO members will have to shorten the response time of its forces, he said.
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